
i^y 



GENERAL GRANT, 



SERVICES TO THE COUITRY 



HIS QL ALIFICATIONS 



Presidency of the United States 



CONSIDEEED IX 



AlSr ADDRESS 



DELIVERED BX 



HON. HOOPER C. VAN VORST, 

BEPORE THE NATIONAL CLUB OP NEW YORK CITY, 
ON THE 12th DAY OF OCTOBER, 1868. 



PUBLISHED BY DIRECTION OF THE CLUB. 



NEW YOKE: 

HowABD & Stoveb, Pkintees, 42 & 44 Nassau Stbeet. 
18 68. 



, //. ^ 



National Club House, 

No. 30 Union Square, 
New York, October 13th, 1868. 

Hon. Hooper C. Van Vorst, 
Dear Sir r 

It gives me great pleasure to communicate to 
you a Resolution passed by The National Club, 
last evening, at the close oi" your truly admirable 
Address. On motion of Ethan Allen, Esq., seconded 
by Ex-Judge Charles A. Peabody : " Resolved 
" that the thanks of this Club are hereby tendered to 
" the Hon. Hooper C. Van Vorst, for his able and 
"eloquent Discourse; and that he be requested to 
" furnish a copy of the same for publication." 

Will you be kind enough, in accordance with 
the terms of the Resolution, to send me a copy of the 
Address, in order that it may be immediately placed 
in the hands of the printer. 

I am, dear sir, very respectfully yours, 

W^M. HENRY ANTHON, 

Chairman. 



ADDRESS 



In the order of events, the election of Washington as 
the first President of the United States was in every 
respect a logical necessity. The minds of all people 
instinctively turned to hiui as the proper person, at that 
era in the history of the country, to fill this office. 
While the afiections of the people gave their cordial 
assent, their judgment approved the choice; and the 
wisdom of the American people in making this selection 
commended itself to the approval of the woild. 

This result was produced no less by the acknowledged 
fitness of Washington for the proper discharge of the 
duties of the office, in the midst of the untried emer- 
gencies upon which the nation was about to enter, than 
by a just appreciation of and a sense of gratitude for the 
great military services whi^h he had rendered the coun- 
try, and which had covered the arms of this young peo- 
ple with heroic renown. And our experience as a nation 
up to the present day, as we look back and consider his 
firm and intelligent administration of affairs, teaches us 
that the choice then made was eminently wise ; ,for. dis- 
tinguished as the first President was in the deliberate 
council of war, and in the field amid the din and confu- 
sion of arms, his civil administration was marked with 
all the distinguishing elements of a great success. 

Washington was wise in the selection of persons to 
fill the principal offices under him, both as General and 
President. He always selected tried and able men, 
adapted to the duties to be performed. When President, 
such experienced statesmen as Hamilton, vers6d in ques- 
tions of finance, was called to the Treasury, and Jeffer- 
son, exercised in matters of domestic and foreign policy, 
was called to the State Department. 



*>'.' 



Tilt' U'tn-utMl John Jay was appointed to tlie Chief 
Jiisticesliip ot the Siipremt^ (!<»iirt, and in his jurispnj- 
d(MU'e laid the I'oiindai ion }oi- the gicat fame to which 
that court has justly attained. 

Wisely and well, in the liim and just conduct of pub- 
lic atfairs by Washington, was laid tlie foundation of a 
prospei'ous state. 

The Aujerican people are again called upon to select 
a chief executive officer of the nation, and the crisis 
demands that the choice should be made with the same 
wisdom and patriotistn which guided our fathers. Upon 
the result of the present determination the future of the 
country depends. Theie are some circumstances in 
which the position of the present rejtresents the condi- 
tion of the country when the first President was chosen. 
We had not then, as we have not now, been long emerged 
from a bloody war ; the first waged to secure the indepen- 
dence of the nation, and to give it a distinct place and name 
among the great powers of the earth ; the second to 
preserve the unity of the States, the binding force and 
integrity of its Constitution, undei- the wise provisions 
of which the Republic had attained to real greatness. 
The last war was to determine the question whether the 
Republic founded by Washington and his compatriots was 
to live or not. Its life was dependent on the issue. For, 
had the rebellion succeeded, the unify, strength and 
vitality of the nation were gone forever. The elements 
could never have been reunited. Then, as now, over 
the land, were visible the sad traces which war makes. 
There had been losses of property ; there had been pre- 
cious blood shed ; there was widowhood and orphanage ; 
there were accumulated domestic griefs, which time 
alone can assuage ; and there was then, as now, a large 
public debt impending, incurred by the war, bringing 
with it taxes and duties. 

The war of the Revolution had been long and tedious, 
and had been attended with various success. There had 



•5 

been great discoiiragemetit, and men's heai'ts had often 
failed them ; and in the midst of arms, there iiad been 
eai'nest advocates of a peace involving the surrender of 
the great principUi out of which the contest had arisen, 
and for the maintenance of which the war was waged. 
And so, too, during the war brought on by the slave- 
liolders' rebellion, there were* days of darkness and 
des[)ondency ; our comniei'ce was in jeopardy ; our arms 
sustained many defeats; our Capital was often belea- 
ugered and in imminent peril ; and there were then too, 
in oui- very midst, many advocates of peace upon any 
terms, wlio made use of the very embarrassment which 
their efforts created to sow dissension and doubt in the 
minds of the people, and to discourage the prosecution 
of the war. 

And as the heart of Washington had remained firm 
and unshaken amidst all the trials and defeats and dis- 
contents by which he was at times environed, so too, 
the heart of our Grant remained at all times immovably 
fixed on the great end which he had in view — the sup- 
pression of the rebellion, the preservation of the life of 
the nation — and expressed itself in these immortal 
words: "I will fight it out on this line, if it takes all 
Summer." 

And as the eye of the people, following the impulses 
of its grateful heart, turned to Washington as the per- 
son, in the eternal fitness of things, to be the first Presi- 
dent of tke Republic which he had by the success of his 
arms founded, so too, the affections of this people turn 
to Grant as the one to preside over the country which 
he has saved. 

The men of the present day are in judgment, in feel- 
ing and impulse, as their fathers were. Nor will it be 
found now, as it was not then, that this Republic is 
ungrateful. 

Washington did not desire this great office. His 



biographers aflmit that he had no ambition for the 
place. To his most intimate friends he expressed him- 
self as decidedly averse to assuming the cares, duties 
and resjxtnsibilities of such a triist. He desired repose. 
He could well rest upon the great military reputation to 
which he had attained ; it was enough to satisfy any 
desire of fame, as it filled the world, and was rendered 
tiie more conspicuous by his disinterested patriotism and 
native modesty. 

Wasliington yielded to the public demands, and con- 
sented to take the office. He never withstood or 
opposed the call of his countrymen. In the whole laud 
there was found no person of sufficient hardihood to 
appear and contest with him for the prize. Tlie fruit 
uncoveted by others, not sought for by himself, fell 
ripened in his hands. 

The election of Washington was unanimous! 

And why should not Grant be the unanimous choice 
of the Electoral Colleges as President of the United 
States f 

Three States are said to oppose his election — Ken- 
tucky, Maryland and Delaware ! all formerly slave 
states ! It would be well for these States to pause 
before deciding this question. In no way could their 
people do more to atone for their feeble loyalty during 
the progress of the war, or advance the interests of the 
seceding States, than by casting their electoral votes for 
Grant. 

Great as were the services of Washington for his 
country, those of Grant were none the less so. It was 
the military genius of Grant, and which has justly 
given him the cognomen of the Great Captain of the 
present day, aided by the courage and perseverance of 
the army and the patriotism of the people, to which we 
are indebted for the existence of our united Republic 
to-day, and for the distinction in which it is held. 

It is true that Grant does not, as Washington did not 



desire the office. It is true that he has done nothing to 
procure his nomination lor the phice, and makes no 
etlbrt to rendei' his success certain. It is true that, pre- 
vious to his nomination, he dechired that lie did not 
desire the office ; that he preferi'ed the place which he 
already held; and that since his nomination he has for- 
bidden GTeneral Howard, who, in charge of the Freed- 
man's Bureau, was about to make a tour of the South- 
ern States, to advocate his claims to the office. It is 
true with him, as it was with Washington, that he has 
110 ambition lor the honor, power and patronage wliich 
the office would confer on him. Still Grant possesses 
in an eminent degree all the qualities which the proper, 
wise and just administration of the office demands. 

It is the quality of true greatness to be allied with 
modesty. In Washington this was conspicuous, and in 
Giant it is no less so. Each observed carefully the 
object to be attained and the difficulties to be overcome. 
Each noiselessly, without pai'ade, but firmly, adjusted 
the means, collected and disposed the forces for the 
undertaking; and when success came, although its 
importance was profoundly understood, it was quietly 
announced. Irving, the graceful biographer of Wash- 
ington, says of him : 

" The character of Washingtou may want some of the 
" poetical elements which dazzle and delight the raulti- 
" tude ; but that it possessed prudence, firmness, saga- 
'' city, moderation, an overruling judgment, courage 
'' that never faltered, patience that never wearied." 

How much of this language is justly applicable to 
Grant ! In him you find the same firmness, moderation, 
sagacity, judgment and courage ! 

General Dix, an excellent judge of men and character, 
and who has had large experience in public affairs, both 
military and civic, thus writes of him : 

" I have thought for a year that Grant should be 
'' President. The prestige of his name will enable him 



" to do more thnn any other man to heal the national 
" dissensions, which seem to me to be as far from and 
" satisfactory solution ;is ever. Then he is honest both 
" from instinct and habit; and he has good sense, per- 
" severance, and a modest estimate of his own capabili- 
" ties. I have no doubt that he would call able men to 
" his councils, and listen to their advice ; and I believe 
"that he would be a tii-n], conservative and successful 
" chief magistrate," 

There are points of correspondence between these 
tw^o leading men — the one of the eighteentli and the 
other of the nineteenth century — correspondence in 
character, and in the circumstances which orave each 
prominence ; the one living in the infancy, the other in 
in the early manhood of the nation. They are, and 
will in the future continue to be, the marked and distin- 
guished men of their times. 

Washington had no competitor for the Presidential 
office, but Grant, all unsought as the office is to him, 
has. 

Now, under the circumstances, it would seem that a 
person to enter the lists against such a candidate should 
have greaat merits and great qualifications. It will not 
answer to compare little things with great — they suffer 
sharply by the contrast. The opposing candidate, 
unfortunately for liim, has no claims and no marked 
fitness for the place, and is in all respects the 
very opposite of Grant. He has neither military or 
civic fame, nor a record of illustrious service to the coun- 
try, to conmiend him. He has no just reliance on the 
gratitude of the Republic. 

When a person suffers himself to be named for a 
great public office, his whole public life is a fair subject 
of comment and comparison with that of the opposing 
candidate, and his claims and qualifications may be 
fairly canvassed, Mr. Seymour's private character is 
unsullied; his social standing is without reproach. 



Unlike Grrant, he is ambitious for place and office, and 
the power it confers. Unlike Grant, he is a politician. 
He professed not to desire the office; but all know, as 
the Romans knew when Cesar seemed to put aside the 
crown, that he greatly desired it, and that his seeming 
rejection was but to blind the ignorant and to spur the 
zeal of his advocates. 

His nomination to the office had not been expected, 
nor was it in truth desired by his party. It was accom- 
plished by the adroit management of his adherents in 
the Democratic Convention. And its announcement 
had a chilling effect upon the country. The nomination 
of Chief Justice Chase had been anticipated by the mass 
of the party in the Eastern States, as was that of Mr. 
Pendleton by the Western Democrats. Such manage- 
ment is never approved by the country, and is rarely 
rewarded with success. 

It is not claimed by his advocates that Horatio Sey- 
mour has done anything for the public service in the 
battle field. He has not personally exposed himself to 
danger, or waged war in behalf of his country. 

His claims, then, if he has any, must be of a civic 
nature. The question then presents itself, and it is 
sharp and pungent, what has he done to entitle him to 
the,suffi-ages of the people for this high office, or to 
qualify him for the discharge of its duties f Is he a dis- 
tinguished patriot, or has he suffered for the public 
w^eal? Has he rendered great and marked public ser- 
vice in any department of the state ? 

It is not claimed that military service ah^ie is to be 
honored or held in grateful remembrance by a people, 
or to be by them rewarded. Jefferson, Adams and 
Madison w^ere each civilians. Cotempoi-aries of Wash- 
ington, and ardently enlisted in the cause of their coun- 
try, they had earnestly struggled for its independence 
and nationality. But until the people had d-termined 
3 



10 

the position of Washington in the new Republic, they 
{iiid their atlherents were content to remain silent. 
Ench of rht'ni, while Washington was in the field, sym- 
pathized deeply with him and with his brave troops. 
They exulted in all his victories, and followed him in his 
retreats with anxious and expectant hearts. They advo- 
cated the cause of tlieir country in convention and in 
the halls of congress, and did all in their power to sus- 
tain the courage of the soldiers and the credit of the 
nation. Their loyalty was nncpiestioned. Neither of 
them could or would have rejoiced to have said that he 
had not invested one dollar in the bonds of his coun- 
tiy; but, on the contrary, each of them did pledge " his 
fortune, his life and his sacred honor" on the issue of 
the war. 

Each of them attained to the Presidency, and they 
have been followed by other men who have rendered 
conspicuous service to the Rt.'public. 

There were Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison and Taylor, 
and last in the great catalogue, Lincoln, the martyr 
President. 

Each of these men, before their accession to the Presi- 
dential office, had served their country. But the ques- 
tion recurs, what has Horatio Seymour done to mei'it 
this distinction f What marked service has he I'endered 
to the country ! What distinguished aptitude and fit- 
ness does he possess lor the discharge of the duties of 
this office ? What great experience in the affairs of 
state does he possess"? 

It is claimed for him by his advocates that he is a 
statesman, and that Grant is not. 

Horatio Sevmour has lived in times of great interest. 
There liave been important questions of state discussed 
and decided since he entered public life. Questions 
have arisen involving the life of the nation and the 
preservation of its Constitutional power over all the 
States. Tliere have been discussions as to the morality 



y^ 



11 

and legalitv ot hiinvm bondiigc, which provailcd in our 
very midst; and there has been legislation as to its con- 
servation, extension or abolition. 

This question of shivery had given great concern to 
the founders and fathers of the Republic. They appre- 
hended a day would come when they would be called 
upon to disjiose of it finally, a>; it did when the slave- 
holder's rebellion forced the issue upon us. Washington 
himself had said : "I never mean to possess another slave 
by purchase; it being among my first wishes to see 
some plan adopted by which slavery may be abolished 
by law. It might save much difficulty." 

Horatio Seymour has never been a representative in 
the National Congress. His experience lias been con- 
fined to the Legislature and Governorship of New York. 
He has delivered many public addresses, and in this way 
sought to teach and advise the people of his views on 
public affairs, and to apprise ihein of their duties and 
responsibdities. He has also been a conspicuous mem- 
ber of the great political conventions of his party, hav- 
ing Dresided over their deliberations in 1S64 and f868. 

But in all this public experience upon which his 
claim to statesmanship is based, what great measure has 
he originated for the public good ! what conspicuous act 
has he accomplished for the general welfare? 

We have had statesmen amongst us who have not 
blinked, but have met and discussed the questions of the 
hour. Such men as Webster and Clay, and Wright, 
and Benton, Seward and Douglas. Their long and hon- 
orable senatorial service, their ripened experience, their 
splendid career in the state and other departments of the 
Government, their familiarity with foreign and domestic 
affairs, their identification with questions of finance, of 

agriculture and manufacture, and in fact wnth all mat- 
es 

ters which concern the welfare, happiness and glory of 
the Republic. These were statesmen indeed, who 
clung to their countiy, and who, when they spoke, gave 



12 

doubtful utterance. But I appeal to you this night 

toll me, if you can, what the position of this Demo- 
atic statesman is on the tinancial question, which he 

so anxious to "have pushed." He has adopted and 
'cands upon a platform in direct opposition to his last 
utterance, in respect to the currency in which the pub- 
lic debt should be paid. 

Like the oracle of Apollo, he is susceptible of a double 
interpretation. 

And again, what position lias he taken on the slavery 
question! As has been observed, it has been an im- 
pending, ever present question. His great effort appears 
to have been to avoid it. In the discussions which have 
grown out of this question, the great statesmen from the 
days of Jefferson to the present have participated. This 
social and political evil has been removed and destroyed, 
and the country in our day relieved. Has Horatio Sey- 
mour contributed anything by word or influence to 
bring about this great consummation? He does not 
appear to have come up to or com[)rehended the dimen- 
sions or importance of this question. He has no part or 
lot in the glory of the enfranchisement of the 4,000,000 
souls from bondage. Jefferson did not hesitate to con- 
demn it, and Van Buren and Wright and Douglas 
opposed its extension ; but the record of Horatio Sey- 
mour is all that the advocates of the system could desire 
in a Northern candidate for the Presidency. 

Can you find that he ever questioned the policy even 
of the passage of the fugitive slave law, that enormity 
in legislation in the nineteenth centiny in an enlight- 
ened Republic, by which a Northern man, who abhorred 
slavery, was obliged, under heavy penalties, to aid in the 
recapture and return to servitude of a slave escaping for 
his freedom? Did you ever learn that he has at any 
time expressed any disapprobation of the legislation of 
the country when his party was in power, made in the 
interests of slavery, and tending to remove all Congres- 



■lii 



13 

sional restraints over its ititroductiou in the Territories 
Did he protest against the efforts made tor its extension 
and perpetuity I 

What was the }>osition of Horatio Seynionr, when, 
on the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency, 
the Southern States secedtul, and attempted to destroy 
the nation, when they trampled on the flag of their 
fathers, and waged against the North a fierce and 
bloody war? This statesman hesitated, faltered, and 
finally occupied tlie same position that President 
Buchanan did. He raised no voice in condemna- 
tion of the acts of the seceding States. He would par- 
ley and treat. He doubted first the power of the Gov- 
ernment to coerce a State, and then its ability to over- 
throw the rebellion by force of arms, and would have 
found a solution of the difficulty in a compromise and 
adjustment with traitors in arms. And who doubts 
that, if such compromise had been effected, slavery 
would have survived, or that the suggestion of compro- 
mise was other than in its interest and that of the Dem- 
ocratic party. And it is reported of him, on the most 
unquestioned authority, that he greatly admired the 
Constitution of the so-called Confederate States, adopted 
at Montgomery, and thought that the difficulty between 
the Government and the rebels could be adjusted by the 
North accepting it. What a degradation that to the 
North ! 

A large number of the Democratic party differed with 
Mr. Seymour, and, governed by patriotic motives, nobly, 
from the outset, sustained the Government in its efforts 
to overthrow by force of arms the rebellion. All honor 
to them. They left their party organization, and joined 
with the friends of the administration to uphold it in its 
efforts. 

But Mr. Seymour remained and aided in keeping up 
an organization at the North whose utterances often 



14 



g-ave hope to the rehels, and to which their ejes were 
directed iij the expect;iti(Mi of aid and f-ivor, especiidiy 
by creating ;i diversion for peace and adjsistinent. 

During a period of gh)oni and (hsaster to our arniv, 
Horatio Seymour was elected (governor of the State of 
New York over the noble (ieneral Wadsworth, the 
opposing candidate. The (j nest ion presents itself, was 
his administration marked by true statesmanship and 
enkarged patriotism f Can it be ckiimed that he was in 
iiearty accord with measunts for the earnest and effects 
ive prosecution of the war t He occupied sucli a posi- 
tion in the State, as its chief executive oiHciM-, as to have 
given to the nation unquestioned proofs ot his entire 
loyalty to the cause and his Jiearty co-oj)eration in 
effective measuies for the oveithrow ot the rebellion • 
and it was hoped he would. The ([uestion is, how did 
Ije stand f Ti'ue loyalty is not doubtful. 

Dui'ing his administration, the fearful and bloody ri>)ts 
occurred in the city of New York, in which the mob 
had complete conti-ol and sway of the city, and its reign 
was marked by terroi-, fire, pillage and mui(l(M-. This 
constitutes a dai'k page in the history of the times. 

It was his duty as a statesman and Governoi- to have 
apprehended the danger, to have prepaied to meet aiul 
quiet it at its first appearing. He should have been tlie 
guai-dian of the public safety. He knew that the draft 
to supply the de[)Ieted armies of the countrv was 
impending. He knew, too. that mucli had been done 
by the organs and speakers of his party to render the 
measure distasteful. Objection and quibbles had been 
raised as to the right on the part of the Federal Govern- 
ment to enforce it, and as to the proportion of inen to 
be furnished by tlie State. There vi'as much excitement, 
and the fire had been fanned to a flame, ready to break 
out at any moment. 

.Governor Seymour had been in New Y^ork on the 4th 
day of July, and had made a speech. He believed the 



1^5 

\v;ir to be a failure. In optMiiug his arlclrcss, lie alluded 
in adroit terms to the failure and the waut of the prom- 
ised victories. Instead of brini>ing words of encourage- 
ment and hope, his speech is replete with despondency 
and gloom. He says : 

" When T accepted the invitation to speak with others 
at this meeting, we wei'e |)romised the downfall of 
A'i(d;sl)ing]i. the op(Miing of the Mississippi, the probable 
capture of the Confederate Capital, and the exhaustion 
of the rebellion. But in the moment of expected vic- 
tories, there came tlie midniglit cry for help from Penn- 
sylvania, to save its despoih^d fiehls from the invading 
foe ; and almost within sight of this great commercial 
metropolis, the ships of your merchants wei'e burned to 
the waters eilge." 

And again, in another part of the same address, in 
s[)eaking to the adhe]-en.ts of the adndnistration, he 
adds : 

" Do you not create revolution, when you say that 
our persons may be rightfully seized, our property con- 
fiscated, our homes entered I Are you not ex|:)0siiig 
yourselves, vour own interests, to as great a peril as that 
with which you threaten us? Remember this, that the 
bloody and treasonable and revolutionary doctrine of 
public necessity may be pi'oclaimed by a mob as well as 
by a government." 

On the lotu day of July following, when the draft 
was proposed to conmience, the riots, for which prepa- 
rations had been made, broke out and prevailed for sev- 
eral days. 

Governor Seymour left the State on the Saturday 
previous, and returned after the riot was under full 
headway. 

He addressed the mob in terms tending to pacify 
them, and applied to President Lincoln for a postpone- 
ment of draft. We do not urge that Governor Seymour 
wished a popular outbreak, or intentionally did anything 



. J M-'.. L H I Mf l ^ l J ^ , 



16 

to cause it ; but that Hoes not tnily excuse liini. We do 
say liis speech of the 4th of July was most uuliajjpy in 
its tone, and tended to inflame the public mind ; that he 
should have known the etfects it would be so likely to 
produce. We undertake to say that, by the adoption 
of prudent counsels and wise anticipatory and prevent- 
ive measures, on the part of the Governor, the mob 
would not have arisen, or could have at once been 
quelled. And for the omission to do this, and for the spiiit 
and character ot his harangue on the 4th of July, and 
his evident want of sympathy with the measures of the 
Government, he is responsible, and justly to be held 
accountable. And these omissions and acts afford an 
exhibition of a want of true statesmanship and patriot- 
ism. No such violence occurred in the States of Penn- 
sylvania or Ohio, where the loyal Curtin and Todd were 
in office, or w^ould have occurred in New York if Wads- 
worth, instead of himself, had been Governor at the 
time. 

Mr. Seymour presided at the National Convention of 
his party at Chicago, in 1864, in which it was resolved 
" that after four years of failure to restore the Union by 
the experiment of war, during which, under the pre- 
tence of military necessity, or war power, higher than 
the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre- 
garded in every part, and public liberty and private 
rights alike trodden down, the public welfare demands 
that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostili- 
ties." 

In this resolution is found a condemnation of the war 
as a failure, and a recommendation that the same be 
stopped ; and it was further advised by the Convention 
that measures be adopted for the securement of peace. 
There is a coincidence in many regards between the 
resolutions of the Convention and the sentiments 
avowed in the July speech of Governor Seymour in New 



17 

York, indicating that the speech or its author suggested 
tlie resolution. 

How unjust and unkind are both the speech of the 
governer and the resolutions of the convention to the 
brave soldiers, who were then suffering and contending 
for the preservation of the Republic and its Constitu- 
tion. 

They were justly entitled to encouraging and hope, 
inspiring words. 

It is true that there were, and had been temporary de- 
feats ; but the people never faltered. The Republic was 
jfirdinar itself for a vigorous prosecution of the conflict. 
It was severely in earnest. 

It is most manifest that this convention did not desire 
a solution of the difficulty by force of arms. 

It did what it could to prevent an increase of the 
armies, to dampen the ardor of the soldiers, and weaken 
the faith of the nation : 

The expression of this convention was inspired 
by its hopes. For should the war fail, negotia- 
tion and compromise would accomplish what the power 
of the nation had failed to do — secure peace. 

And with peace thus obtained. Slavery would still have 
been maintained, and would still, with its Northern allies 
control the destiny of the Republic. 

In his 4th of July speech, Grovernor Sej^mour thus 
gives his view of compromises : 

" A few years ago, we stood before this community to 
warn tliem of the dangers of sectional strife; but our 
fears were laughed at. At a later day, when the clouds 
of war overhung our country we imploi'ed those in 
authority to compromise that difficulty, for we had been 
told by that great orator and stateman, Burke, that there 
never yet was a revolution which might not have been 
prevented by a compromise, opportunely and graciously 
made. Our prayers were unheeded.*' 
5 



And in his Tweddle Hall speech, delivered in ISGl, 
he said : 

" The question is simpl}^ this, shall we have compro- 
mise after war, or a compromise without war." 

And this in the face of the repeated calls on the part 
of President Lincoln, to the rebels to lay down their 
arms and return to their allegiance to the Federal Gov- 
ernment. And this too, with the unfortunate experience 
of the country HI all its attempts to compromise with the 
South upon any basis which interfered with the spread 
of Slavery. 

The resolutions of the Chicago Convention shocked the , 
country, as it did General McClellan, the nominee of the 
Convention for the office of President. He could not 
acknowledije the war in which he had taken a larcre and 
conspicuous part, to be a failure. 

But it is a most extraordinary fact, that any party 
should, under the circumstances in which the country 
was then placed, with an armed adversary, brave and 
watchful, with an eye directed to the North expect- 
ant for some token of waning faith in the force of arms, 
utter words, the effect of which was calculated to inspire 
the enemy with hope, and to depress the ardor of our 
own troops. 

Yet, Governor Seymour supported the platform, and 
the party that adopted it: How could he do otherwise, 
it embodied and clearly expressed his views. 

But peace was not to be obtained by weak and tem- 
porizing negotiation. The cause of the war was to be 
in reality destroyed. 

A higher power had the control of this question. 
The resolves of mere conventions were not to determine 
it. Slavery was to end, and it was to be terminated in 
fact by the war. 

The offspring of fraud, selfishness and cruelty, it was 
to be obliterated by blood. 



19 

The pen of President Lincoln decreed it, and the 
sword of Gnint was to confirm the decree. 

This is a part of the public record of the Democratic 
nominee for the office of President. 

It does not establish the claims which his advocates 
interpose for him of statesmanship. 

Tested by the standard of high and exalted patriotism 
which clings to its country in all emergencies, his failure 
is marked and signal. 

He has been greatly wanting in foresight, — for the 
vision of the true statesman, should not be limited by the 
present, but shoukl extend to the future. 

With a comprehension of the causes and agencies at 
work about him, he should be able to follow them to 
their legitimate conclusions and prepare for them. Mr. 
Seymour's public experience shows that he has had no 
such understanding of the events of the times in which 
he was acting ; and his executive career as Governor of 
this State shows him halting, timid, undecided, ^nd 
establishes than he is wanting in the essential character- 
istics which form a good ruler and chief executive officer 
of a nation. 

It is of the first importance that that there be intelli- 
gent foresight, firmness, honesty, and a due sense of 
justice, associated with an exalted love of country, in 
the mind and heart of the person called to the office of 
President of the United States. 

Well did Mr. Seymour say to the Convention which 
designated him as a candidate for the Presidency that 
his nomination was full of peril to his party. He had 
wisdom enough to anticipate that the mention of his 
name would revive the issues of the past, and that his 
own record and that of his party would be reviewed. 
And he was conscious that there was little in the past 
which could advance the interests of the candidate or 
the party. 



20 

The nomination of a good statesman and tnie patriot 
(•;in never imperil the nominee or his adherents. 

And truly how filled with peril to the country and 
its peace would his election prove. 

Consider him in the hands of the men and party who 
nominated him. 

Consider the influences which aided in his designation 
for this high position. 

From the elevated platform on whicii the President 
of the Democratic Convention, in July last, was seated 
he could look down upon the leading faces and master 
spirits of that body. Did his eyes rest upon men who 
had taken an active part in favor of their country in the 
peril through which she had safely passed ? The land 
is filled with great generals, brave soldieis, rnd distin- 
guished statesmen who have fought for and defended on 
all occasions the unity, integrity, and glory of their 
country. But they were not present. 

Around the President of the Convention were seated 
men who had conspired to foment and who had carried 
on the rebellion. Here were men who had filled Cabinet 
offices in the so-called Confederate States Government, and 
who were members of its House and Senate. 

Here, too, were generals who had conducted and 
wielded its armies, their hands yet moistened with the 
blood of our sons, and whose treason against the States 
was yet unpardoned; and in the assembly were North- 
ern allies and supporters. 

A Convention composed of such elements have pre- 
sented Horatio Seymour as candidate for President. 

Treason against the Republic is a crime. If not pun- 
ished, it should not be propitiated. The election of 
Governor Seymour will do much to make it honorable 
in his adherents. 

But if Seymour has failed in his comprehension of 
the issues and events of the times in which he lived, 
Grant has not. 

While Seymour has lived and acted for his party and 



21 

to preserve its life and force, G-raiit has lived and acted 
for the country and to preserve it. 

Xo true patriot can always receive his inspirations 
from and act lor liis party. These are questions above 
all considerations of party. There are few great states- 
men who have not at times been obliged — as they could 
not folh>w — to leave their party. Governor Seymour 
could only consent to save his country through his 

party. 

Grant had no politics, and knew no party. He was 
bent on the discharge of ids duty to his country, and 
would remove every obstacle which stood between him 
and its well being. 

Grant early understood that the only true basis for a 
lastinc- peace was to be found in the successful prosecu- 
tion of the war. 

He never doubted or hesitated. 

He would at once and at all times " Move on the 
enemy's works." He would destroy' his power for 
resistance or harm. 

Grant early comprehended what Seymour did not, 
the obstacle which slavery interposed, and said there 
could be no end of the war until the cause of the war 
(slavery) was destroyed. 

And yet the eradication of slavery was most difficult to 
accomplish, as it had its advocates and adherents at the 
Nortli who opposed all efforts by legislation and the war 
power for its overthrow. The proclamation of President 
Lincoln emancipating the slaves was denounced and ridi- 
culed. The lust of power in the Democratic party linked 
its fortunes and its fate with slavery. At all times the solid 
strength of that party was in the Slave States. Their 
vote was ever reliable, and it had for years controlled 
the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the 
State. How this once noble party of the people 
alienated from itself so much of the intelligence and 



.)0 



moral virtue of the coimtry ! How, for tlie present 
enjoyment of power in the State, it gave up forever the 
ereat future ! No part of the glory of emancipation 
belongs to it, nor of the overthrow of the armed rebel- 
lion against the Government. The Democratic party 
was wedded to slavery; it was allured by the rich 
dowry of its bride of power and patronage, and the 
horrid fruits of the union were treason, secession, and 

civil war. 

Grant comprehended w^iat Seymour did not, that 
peace did not lay in the success of the resolutions of the 
Chicago Convention, in the cessation of hostilities and 
negotiations for an armistice. 

In 1863 he wrote, " That the North and South could 
never live at i)eace with each other except as one 
nation, and tljat without slavery. As anxious as I am 
to see peace established, I would not therefore be will- 
iuo- to see any settlement until this question is forever 
settled." 

In the fore part of August, 1S64, he wrote, "All we 
want now to insure an early restoration of the Union is 
a determined unity of sentiment North. The rebels 
have now in their ranks their last man. A man lost by 
them cannot be replaced." 

How decided the contrast between this language and 
that of the Chicago Convention of the same month, in 
which the war is declared to be a failure. 

Grant comprehended in advance the effect which any 
action on the part of the North, such as is indicated in 
the resolutions of that Convention, would produce on 
the enemy, for he wrote, " I have no doubt but the 
enemy are exceedingly anxious to hold out until after 
the Presidential election ; they have many hopes from 
its effects." 

And as soon as he heard of the re-election of Presi- 
dent Lincoln, he wrote to the Secretary of War, 
'•Enough now seems to be known who is to hold the 



23 



reins of Governmeiit foi" the next four years ; coniri'atn- 
late tlie President upon this double victory. The elec- 
tion having passed ott' quietly, with no bloodslu'd or riot 
throughout the hind, is a victory vvortii more to the 
country than a battle won. Rebehlom and Euro])e will 
construe it so." 

And Grant was right. The result of that eU.^ction 
extinguished the last ray of hope of the South tor aid 
from the i^orth. Their means were exhausted, and the 
determination of the Republic was unmistakably 
expressed. 

The rebellion, under his masterly diiection of the 
Federal forces, was su[)pressed. 

Grant ended the war, and in the way in which he 
predicted it would end, and the consequences which he 
foresaw toUowed. 

In the comprehension of the issues involved, and the 
use of the means to secure a lasting peace, Grant has 
proved the better statesman of the two candidates. 

Into what small pioportions do the claims and quali- 
ties of Hoi'atio Seymoui' dwindle when conrrasted with 
the large-heaited, noble, and untiring devotion of Grant 
to his country. 

Under the administration of which, think you, would 
the country have peace? The election of Grant means 
peace and prosperity. 

Grant has never deceived you. He has never spoken 
to you in ambiguous or doubtful terms. His words, 
as his acts, are sharp, incisive, and to the point. 

Doubt not his statesmanship. He possesses all the 
qualifications for an honest and successful administra- 
tion of the Government. He has ably directed large 
bodies of men. He has exhibited, as Washington did, 
singular fitness in judging character and in selecting the 
proper man for the proper place. 

He will fill the chief offices of the State, as Washing- 
ton did, with able, experienced, and honest men. 



24 

Under his administration the South will have peace 
iind prosperity. The rights of all will be protected 
there, and lawlessness be suppressed. 

Wiien Grant had been noniinnted, a curtain rose 
behind the seat of the presiding otRcer of the Conven- 
tion and displayed on a canvass the likeness of the 
nominee, with the stirring words underneath, " Match 
Him !" 

This was a fair challenge to the Democratic Conven- 
tion. It imposed a difficult task to meet, and you see 
how that Convention failed. It was an impossibility. 

There was but one Washington — there is but one 
Grant! When others failed, he succeeded. How sub- 
lime is his devotion to his country. And how the 
record of it, and its expression in deeds will brighten 
and glow through all the future of the Republic. What 
ample materials for a great history do his life and acts 
supply. How grandly he stands forth in his firm, 
modest, and patriotic life. 

Jitstum et tenacern proposito virum. 

Grant is not a man of words, but deeds. He is elo- 
quent in the very simplicity of his statements. Love 
of country alone controls him. It is that sentiment 
wliich unites him to and makes him the candidate of 
the Republican party, which stood by and supported 
him and the country in its peril. It has placed him on 
its platform, which embodies one thought, the country — 
its honor, its integrity, its gratitude, its greatness. It is 
that sentmient which unites him to the American 
people, and holds him forth as their true repi-esentative 
to give peace to the country. 

Grant is the man of the present and the future, as 
well as of the past. 

Under him all rights will be protected, all wrong 
punished. Under him the humblest will be safe. 
Wherever the American name is known on the globe 
If will be respected, its flag honored. 



I 



'2b 

And how proudly can we point to him this day as 
the man of all her citizens wljoin the Republic will 
delight to honor, in entrustint>- him with the first office 
in her gift. 

It was his glory to bring a great civil war which de- 
vastated the land to an end, and to save his country. 

Grant has sheathed his sword. It may quietly rest 
in its scabbard, never again to be withdrawn. His 
military life reached its meridian when Lee sur- 
rendered th^ forces of the rebellion under the historic 
tree at Appommattox. Hereafter the pen of the histo- 
rian will record the annals of the peaceful days of the 
Republic under his magnificent civil administration. 



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